Obama, Romney &
reform
By MICHAEL TANNER
Few
election issues will have as much impact on our lives as what will happen to
America’s health-care system. After all, health care represents a sixth of the
US economy and employs more than 11.5 million workers. And to patients, it
represents matters of life and death, involving some of the most important and
personal decisions a person can make.
Yet
it has often seemed like an afterthought in the campaign. Health-care reform is
the signature accomplishment of President Obama’s first term, but barely rates
a mention in most of his speeches. Mitt Romney generally includes a ritual
promise to repeal ObamaCare, but almost never discusses what he’d replace it
with. In
fact, both candidates have serious problems with the issue. The ObamaCare law
remains extremely unpopular with voters — who oppose it 52-42 in the most
recent Rasmussen poll, for example. And Romney labors under the weight of his
own Massachusetts health-care plan, so very like ObamaCare. At the least, it
makes any Romney discussion of the issue too painfully complex for campaign
sound bites. Still, you can see some clear differences in how the two would approach the issue.
If
Obama is re-elected, ObamaCare will be fully implemented. The changes so far
have been relatively popular — for instance, letting children stay on their
parents’ policies until age 26, or beginning to close the “doughnut hole” for
Medicare prescription-drug costs. These reforms have hidden costs, but mostly
just that: hidden.
But
Jan. 1 will bring a host of new ObamaCare taxes on medical devices, insurance
plans and prescription drugs, as well as on investment incomes for higher
earners. In 2014, the individual and employer mandates kick in. The
Congressional Budget Office suggests that as many as 6 million Americans will
get hit with the mandate’s penalty or tax. And many businesses may choose to
drop coverage for their workers, dumping them into the new government-run
insurance exchanges.
Romney’s
promise to repeal ObamaCare will be hard to fulfill unless Republicans also win
control of the Senate on Nov. 6. If not, expect years of political skirmishing,
with Republicans trying to pick off the law’s most unpopular provisions one at
a time.
But
a President Romney would have a great deal of power over how much — or how
little — money is spent to implement the law. For example, he’s highly unlikely
to spend $303 million to hire 4,500 new IRS agents to police the mandate.
What
would Romney replace ObamaCare with? His centerpiece is likely to be giving
people a tax break for buying insurance on their own, rather than through their
employer. That simple step for equality would make health insurance personal
and portable, controlled by the individual rather than government or an
employer.
Romney
believes that letting workers take charge of their own health policies would
make them more involved shoppers, demanding better quality and a lower price,
and ultimately driving down the cost of insurance. At the same time, he hopes
that by making insurance more affordable, he’d expand the number of people who
buy it.
We
can also expect a President Romney to push for legislation enabling consumers
to purchase health insurance across state lines — breaking up the cartels that
allow just two insurers, GHI and Empire Blue Cross, to control half of the New
York state market.
He’d
also deal with the issue of preexisting conditions by guaranteeing eligibility
to people who maintain continuous coverage, while helping to finance high-risk
pools for others.
The
differences are also stark on Medicare. Both Obama and Romney understand that
the now-projected level of Medicare spending is unsustainable. The program ran
a $300 billion shortfall last year, and faces total future shortfalls of $42.8
trillion to $88.9 trillion, depending on which estimate you believe.
Obama
aims to reduce this spending from the top down. Starting in 2017, the 15
unelected bureaucrats of the Independent Payment Advisory Board would have the
authority to order reductions in payments to doctors, hospitals and nursing
homes. Only a vote of both the House and Senate can overturn IPAB’s package of
cuts — and Congress must accept or reject it in total.
The
president insists these are only cuts to providers, but reducing reimbursements
will most likely lead to more physicians refusing to see Medicare patients, and
possibly some hospitals closing.
On
the other hand, Romney aims to reduce costs from the bottom up by empowering
Medicare beneficiaries. He’d leave Medicare unchanged for current recipients,
even repealing $716 billion in cuts over the next 10 years that are part of
ObamaCare. But he’d give younger workers a choice between continuing in the
current Medicare program and enrolling in a new “premium support” model.
Under
the second option, insurers would bid for the right to participate under
Medicare. Plans would have to include certain minimum benefits and accept all
applicants, regardless of age or health. Retirees would get a government payment
equal to the cost of the second-least-expensive plan in their area. If seniors
chose a lower-cost plan, they could keep the difference. But if they choose a
more expensive plan, they’ll have to pay the extra beyond what the government
pays.
The
hope is that, as with Romney’s proposal for health insurance generally, the
combination of competition and consumer cost-sharing would help hold down costs
— for consumers and taxpayers.
Details
aside, their approach to health-care reform reflects the candidates’ general
governing philosophy. Obama supports an activist government, managing the
system from the top down. Romney favors a more market-oriented approach, with
individual consumers having more choice, but also more responsibility.
Regardless
of who wins Nov. 6, our health-care system is going to look very different in
the future.
Michael
Tanner is a Cato Institute senior fellow.
No comments:
Post a Comment